The Greg Family

Amongst these ‘cotton kings’ was Samuel Greg, owner of Quarry Bank Mill in Cheshire, established in 1784. The Greg dynasty shaped the trajectory of Manchester’s development, leaving an indelible mark on its economic and societal fabric. Today the mill is celebrated as ‘one of Britain’s greatest industrial heritage sites’, ranking among the most visited attractions in the Northwest, a testament to its prevalence in the history of the region.[2]

The family’s reputation and history are tied deeply with that of the Royal Exchange, and the development of city’s institutions and cultural life more widely. Samuel Greg was specifically included in Parson’s The Centenary of the Manchester Royal Exchange, as a notable subscriber of 1819, underscoring his repute amongst Manchester’s businessmen.[3] His sons, Samuel Greg Jr. and Robert Hyde Greg continued this legacy, appearing on subscriber lists in the 1830s.[4] Generations later, in 1877, Henry Greg, Samuel Greg’s great grandson, was immortalised in the painting Interior of the Royal Exchange (Fig.2). Beyond commerce, the Gregs leveraged their wealth and influence through civic engagement. Both Samuel Greg and R.H Greg served as vice president of the Mechanics’ Institute.[5] Moreover, the collections of Thomas Tylston Greg and Mary Greg were donated to Manchester’s Art Gallery, underscoring their multifaceted impact on the city’s economic, educational, and cultural landscape.[6]

From Manchester to Dominica

The Greg’s financial and cultural legacy is inextricably intertwined with transatlantic slavery. They not only profited from raw cotton cultivated by enslaved persons, and stimulated demand through their mills, but also extensively invested in the sugar trade.

In 1795 Samuel’s uncle, John Greg left him the Hillsborough estate, a large sugar plantation in Dominica.[7] By 1818, an inventory reveals, 71 male and 68 female enslaved individuals were counted among Samuel Greg’s so-called ‘possessions’.[8] We also know that the Gregs supplied enslaved persons at Hillsborough with clothing and blankets made at Quarry Bank Mill, exemplifying a vast exploitative synergy that fuelled their economic success.[9] The nature of such inventories often reduced these individuals to mere entries in financial documents. In one inventory book, for instance, Samuel Greg lists human beings as commodities, alongside ‘mules, carts, and plantation utensils’.[10] But enslaved persons were not passive victims of history; they resisted, and asserted their humanity in countless ways, both subtle and overt. Thus, calling attention to narratives of resistance is crucial to the history of Manchester and its institutions.[11]

Voices of Resistance: ‘Maroon Country’ and Peter of Hillsborough

From British occupation in 1763, Dominica became a battleground between Maroons (escaped enslaved persons who joined indigenous communities) and colonial authorities. The land exploited for plantation agriculture extended only about two miles inland from the coast. The interior, known as ‘Maroon Country,’ was mountainous and densely forested allowing the development of self-sufficient military and social organizations, from which Maroons conducted organised raids on coastal plantations.[12] The Second Maroon War (1802-1815) saw heightened tension and military activity between colonial authorities and Maroons, as well as substantial resistance from enslaved persons. Accounts from 1813-14 record 314 freedom seekers across various plantations, and 153 others ‘loitering off plantations’ or ‘breaking canes.’[13]

A court document (fig.4), from trials of enslaved persons involved in resistance and rebellion during the war, describes an enslaved man named Peter as having “incited a mutiny” on the Hillsborough estate. This 1814 document and notes made by William Bremner, the estate attorney, reveal significant evidence of organised and collective resistance. Bremner declared that 20 enslaved persons had left the estate in protest of the sudden death of another enslaved man named Frank, who they believed had been killed by the estate’s manager.[14] Peter was ordered to lead Bremner to the freedom seekers, but instead led him on a futile mission, ‘scrambling for part of two days over hills and dales, crags and precipices’ with no intention of reaching the ‘desired spot’. Eventually, one of the freedom seekers returned and confessed upon interrogation that Peter had instigated the plot and had upheld communication to supply them with provisions in their absence.[15] Like many, Peter was subsequently executed, in the British campaign to suppress Maroon forces and their allies, as court records from Dominica show.[16]

The trial highlights the remarkable bravery, skill, and resourcefulness of enslaved persons at Hillsborough, showcasing their extraordinary efforts to assert their humanity and right to freedom. Moreover, it reveals the agency and resilience underpinning a network of solidarity between the enslaved and Maroon communities that escaped plantation managers’ notice. Peter’s ability to support freedom seekers, drawing on his courage, knowledge, and subversive ingenuity, directly challenged the oppressive infrastructure of slavery.

Legacy

The wealth amassed by industrialist dynasties like the Gregs was built on the backs of enslaved persons, like Peter. Manchester institutions, cultural investments, and infrastructure that this wealth funded were directly connected to this exploitation. Acknowledging the integral role that slavery played in shaping Manchester’s growth involves not only recognising the brutal realities of forced labour but also reflecting on the extraordinary actions of those individuals who endured and resisted subjugation.

Figures:

F. Lowndes, Map of Hillsborough Estate, 1795, Cambridge University Library: Royal Commonwealth Society Library, RCMS 266/1.

H. L. Saunders and Frederick Sargent,  Interior of the Royal Exchange, 1877. Oil on canvas.

Page from court records from Dominica, January 1814, CO 71/51.

Portrait of Samuel Greg, circa 1820, Quarry Bank, Cheshire, 1458262.